Anonymous
Anonymous asked in Politics & GovernmentPolitics · 1 decade ago

Ok, here it is as succinct as I can do it. Question: Does anyone care?

After the fall of the Soviet Union, Argentine oil company Bridas, led by its ambitious chairman, Carlos Bulgheroni, became the first company to exploit the oil fields of Turkmenistan and propose a pipeline through neighboring Afghanistan. A powerful US-backed consortium intent on building its own pipeline through the same Afghan corridor would oppose Bridas' project.

As of 1992, 11 western oil companies controlled more than 50 percent of all oil investments in the Caspian Basin, including Unocal, Amoco, Atlantic Richfield, Chevron, Exxon-Mobil, Pennzoil, Texaco, Phillips and British Petroleum.

In October 1995, with neither company in a winning position, Bulgheroni and Imle accompanied Niyazov to the opening of the UN General Assembly. There, Niyazov awarded Unocal with a contract for a 918-mile natural gas pipeline. Bulgheroni was shocked. At the announcement ceremony, Unocal consultant Henry Kissinger said that the deal looked like "the triumph of hope over experience."

According to Ahmed Rashid, "Unocal's real influence with the Taliban was that their project carried the possibility of US recognition, which the Taliban were desperately anxious to secure."

Unocal wasted no time greasing the palms of the Taliban. It offered humanitarian aid to Afghan warlords who would form a council to supervise the pipeline project. It provided a new mobile phone network between Kabul and Kandahar. Unocal also promised to help rebuild Kandahar, and donated $9,000 to the University of Nebraska's Center for Afghan Studies. The US State Department, through its aid organization USAID, contributed significant education funding for Taliban. In the spring of 1996, Unocal executives flew Uzbek leader General Abdul Rashid Dostum to Dallas to discuss pipeline passage through his northern (Northern Alliance-controlled) territories.

Bridas countered by forming an alliance with Ningarcho, a Saudi company closely aligned with Prince Turki el-Faisal, the Saudi intelligence chief. Turki was a mentor to Osama bin Laden, the ally of the Taliban who was publicly feuding with the Saudi royal family. As a gesture for Bridas, Prince Turki provided the Taliban with communications equipment and a fleet of pickup trucks. Now Bridas proposed two consortiums, one to build the Afghanistan portion, and another to take care of both ends of the line. By November 1996, Bridas claimed that it had an agreement signed by the Taliban and Dostum—trumping Unocal.

The competition between Unocal and Bridas, as described by Rashid, "began to reflect the competition within the Saudi Royal family."

In 1997, Taliban officials traveled twice to Washington, D.C. and Buenos Aires to be wined and dined by Unocal and Bridas. No agreements were signed.

It appeared to Unocal that the Taliban was balking. In addition to royalties, the Taliban demanded funding for infrastructure projects, including roads and power plants. The Taliban also announced plans to revive the Afghan National Oil Company, which had been abolished by the Soviet regime in the late 1970s.

Osama bin Laden (who issued his fatwa against the West in 1998) advised the Taliban to sign with Bridas. In addition to offering the Taliban a higher bid, Bridas proposed an open pipeline accessible to warlords and local users. Unocal's pipeline was closed—for export purposes only. Bridas' plan also did not require outside financing, while Unocal's required a loan from the western financial institutions (the World Bank), which in turn would leave Afghanistan vulnerable to demands from western governments.

Bridas' approach to business was more to the Taliban's liking. Where Bulgheroni and Bridas' engineers would take the time to "sip tea with Afghan tribesmen," Unocal's American executives issued top-down edicts from corporate headquarters and the US Embassy (including a demand to open talks with the CIA-backed Northern Alliance).

During the final months of the Clinton administration, the Taliban was officially a rogue regime. After nearly a decade of fierce competition between the US-supported Unocal-CentGas consortium and Bridas of Argentina, neither company had secured a deal for a trans-Afghanistan pipeline.

Immediately upon seizing the White House, George W. Bush resumed relations with the Taliban.

Bush stocked his cabinet with figures from the energy industry with long-time ties to Central Asia (including Dick Cheney of Halliburton, Richard Armitage of Unocal, Condoleeza Rice of Chevron), and rode into office on the largesse of corporations with vested interests in the region (Enron). Suddenly, the prospects for a trans-Afghanistan oil and gas pipeline that would help ensure American dominance of Eurasia, described by Zbigniew Brezezinski as "The Grand Chessboard," began to improve.

The Bush family's involvement in the Middle East and Central Asian oil politics, and its deep ties

Update:

Nevermind, seems it didn't fit...

6 Answers

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  • Anonymous
    1 decade ago
    Favorite Answer

    Do the people care about what -- which part

    That the US President is and always has been the military leader of the industrial and corporate arm of the US --- they don't care -- they think it noble that the President backs with young men's live the interests of international exploitation

    Do they care that the substance of any matter is never presented --- but rather replaced by sheer lies and propaganda -- No no they think the whole thing is a football game

    Do they care they are still shuffled about as pawns on a board the cannon fodder of rich over Lords for the interests of fiefdoms domestic and foreign -- ? They claim that to be the base of their freedoms believe it or not -- so no they don't care

    All that is left is to wait for the evil to eat its own tail and hope there are a few people plants and animals still alive at the end of it

  • 4 years ago

    I study the 1st 4 paragraphs until now giving up... It wasn't sufficient to get a glance after yet on the tale, so i can not say something on that. What stopped me examining became the writing, particularly the grammatical errors and awkwardly outfitted sentences. i will understand that this could be a artwork in progression, even though it somewhat is no longer user-friendly to study and that keeps readers from getting concerned. somewhat, I only study the plot precis, and evidently notably thrilling. So i think of in case you wiped sparkling this up it ought to be reliable. possibly.

  • ?
    Lv 4
    1 decade ago

    You can add to the additional details box.

  • Anonymous
    1 decade ago

    I tried guy. Remember tell me what you are going to tell me. Tell me. Tell me what you told me. This is to long of an essay to just give the middle part.

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  • Anonymous
    1 decade ago

    "Nevermind"?

    Yeah, I care. So make it fit.

  • mine ayes glazeth over.

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